Thursday, January 15, 2009

Congress Aims to Take Back Constitutional War Powers

by: Maya Schenwar, t r u t h o u t | Report

Rep. Barbara Lee, shown here addressing the media, has introduced legislation that would reaffirm Congress's role in shaping war policy. (Photo: Getty Images)

As America anticipates the official arrival of the Obama presidency on January 20, the power grabs and ballooning executive privileges of the Bush administration may seem far behind us. However, staving off the normalization of those abuses has remained at the forefront of several Congress members' legislative agendas.

Congress took little initiative to rein in Bush's excesses throughout his administration, and now, some members worry that his vast expansion of executive powers could set a dangerous precedent for generations to come. Unless Congress formally rejects Bush's generous interpretation of the role of the president, they say, the system of checks and balances could be permanently disrupted. Foremost on the list is one of Bush's most blatant unilateral actions: his recent signing, with Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al Maliki, of the US-Iraq security pact without consulting Congress. The pact could keep US troops in Iraq until the end of 2011.

Rep. Barbara Lee (D-California) has introduced - and soon plans to reintroduce - a resolution that would delegitimize the Bush-Maliki security agreement in the eyes of Congress, according to a spokeswoman for Lee's office. It would also reaffirm Congress's role in the formation of war policy.

"[The security pact] is a seriously flawed agreement which illustrates perfectly the necessity of Congressional review and approval of any agreement concerning the United States Armed Forces and the security of Iraq," said Lee in a statement on the resolution. "An agreement to commit American troops to the defense and security of another country is a major commitment that must have the support of the American people, which can only be reflected by the Congress of the United States."

Bush presented the US-Iraq pact as a Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA), which does not need the approval of Congress. However, this "SOFA" goes beyond the scope of all previous SOFAs, in that it authorizes military operations. Under the Constitution, Congress has the sole power to wage war. Lee points out that the "SOFA" also subjects US military operations to the "approval of the Iraqi government" and places US contractors under the jurisdiction of Iraqi courts. Historically, the president has needed the Senate's ratification to place US troops under foreign control; Bush's action is a major breach, according to Lee.

Several bills have been introduced in Congress to address Bush's overstep in signing the pact, and a notable set of hearings in the House Foreign Affairs Committee investigated the topic. Yet, responding as it did to most of the Bush administration's power grabs, Congress ultimately let the "SOFA" designation get by.

"Congress and the media have generally accepted the Bush administration's categorizing of [the pact] as a SOFA," Steve Fox, director of the nonpartisan American Freedom Campaign, told Truthout. "To me, it demonstrates a complete failure on the part of Congress as an institution to defend its constitutional powers."

This complacency could cost future Congresses - and future generations of American people - quite a bit of leverage, according to Fox.

"A failure by Congress to signal its objection to this agreement will create a potentially irreversible shift in the balance of power to the executive branch," Fox said. "This lack of action will set a precedent with respect to what terms are allowed under a SOFA and, therefore, do not require Congressional approval. Perhaps, the Supreme Court might someday rule that the executive branch's power is not so extensive, but Congress should not create a precedent on its own that it someday needs the court to reverse. Congress must exert its power now."

Lee's resolution does not officially negate the Bush-Maliki pact. Even if it passed, the agreement would still be legally binding under international law, Berkeley Law Professor Oona Hathaway, who has testified at several hearings regarding the pact, told Truthout.

However, the bill would advocate that Congress use the legal means in its power to resist fulfilling the demands of the agreement, and to prevent the executive branch from sealing similarly broad-ranging agreements in the future without consulting Congress. Lee's resolution refers specifically to Congress's power of the purse, stating that "is neither legally nor morally bound or obligated to appropriate any of the funds necessary to carry out the terms of the agreement."

Additionally, the resolution calls for the House of Representatives to hold hearings examining the security pact before authorizing or funding it.

The prospect of withholding funding for the pact may face both political and legal barriers, according to Hathaway.

"It would place the United States into violation of its international legal obligations - and could lead to a constitutional crisis," Hathaway said. "In my view, a much better option is to step back from this agreement to think more generally about how the United States makes its international agreements."

Hathaway suggests that, in order to put the security pact on secure legal footing and enforce the involvement of Congress in confirming international treaties, Obama could submit the agreement to Congress for approval. The very act of consulting Congress could demonstrate an end to the Bush era of executive power abuse.

Another route might be an expansion of the Case Act, a law passed in the 1970s, which requires that the president notify Congress of any executive agreements he has concluded. Hathaway proposes that the law be revised and enhanced, increasing transparency and Congressional influence.

"I do not favor requiring every single executive agreement to be individually approved by Congress - that would be too cumbersome," Hathaway said. "But the current process is much too lax. I am hoping that Congress and the Obama State Department will put some energy into examining the variety of alternatives that exist in between these two extremes."

Meanwhile, Congresswoman Lee's office plans to continue to push for more Congressional involvement on Iraq in the new year, reassessing old legislation and perhaps introducing new bills aimed at withdrawal, according to her spokeswoman.

Last week, Sen. John Conyers and Congressman Bill Delahunt introduced another piece of legislation intended to reclaim Congress's role in checking executive authority. The plan calls for a national commission to investigate the Bush administration's potential war powers abuses.

"The American people deserve a complete and objective accounting of the many policies approved by President Bush as unreviewable war powers," Delahunt stated upon introducing the legislation.

http://www.truthout.org/011409J?print

Missing White House E-Mails Traced, Justice Aide Says

By R. Jeffrey Smith
Washington Post Staff Writer
Thursday, January 15, 2009; A09

A Justice Department lawyer told a federal judge yesterday that the Bush administration will meet its legal requirement to transfer e-mails to the National Archives after spending more than $10 million to locate 14 million e-mails reported missing four years ago from White House computer files.

Civil division trial lawyer Helen H. Hong made the disclosure at a court hearing provoked by a 2007 lawsuit filed by outside groups to ensure that politically significant records created by the White House are not destroyed or removed before President Bush leaves office at noon on Tuesday. She said the department plans to argue in a court filing this week that the administration's successful recent search renders the lawsuit moot.

Hong's statement came hours after U.S. District Court Judge Henry H. Kennedy Jr. ordered employees of the president's executive office -- with just days to go before their departure -- to undertake a comprehensive search of computer workstations, preserve portable hard drives and examine any e-mail archives created or retained from 2003 to 2005, the period in which e-mails appeared to be missing.

Hong said private contractors had helped find the e-mails by searching through an estimated 60,000 tapes that contain daily recordings of the entire contents of the White House computers as a precaution against an electronic disaster.

Her remarks prompted Anne Weisman, the counsel for one of two plaintiffs in the lawsuit, Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington (CREW), to say, "I'll believe it when I see it." Weisman said she hoped the administration's efforts to recover the e-mails can be verified by an independent expert, noting that officials have repeatedly declined to detail the procedures they used. She also said questions persist about whether backup tapes still existed for all of the days for which e-mails were reported missing.

Meredith Fuchs, counsel for the other plaintiff, a historical group known as the National Security Archive, said the Justice Department's statement was "striking" because the admission that 14 million e-mails had to be recovered showed "the level of mismanagement at the White House" of its historically significant records. She said, "For the past year and a half, they said, 'Don't worry, don't worry, leave us alone.' Now they say, at the last minute, they have solved it. I want to see the evidence."

Kennedy's order was the latest in a series of rulings about the fate of Bush administration records that have been unfavorable to the White House. Bush aides had long contended that the plaintiffs lacked standing to sue, and they had resisted a court order requiring that White House preserve the backup tapes that were used to recover the e-mails; the courts rejected both positions.

Last week, a different judge overrode White House objections and ordered the administration to search for information that CREW is seeking on White House visitors during the Bush tenure. Another judge turned aside White House objections to handing copies to aides of President-elect Barack Obama of documents related to the controversial firings of U.S. prosecutors in 2006, which Congress has demanded to see. Still to be decided, possibly in coming days, is a lawsuit by CREW demanding the preservation of vice presidential records that aides to Dick Cheney have said he alone can decide to withhold or discard.

The dispute over recovery of the missing e-mails was provoked by the disclosure four years ago that the White House, in switching to a new internal e-mail system shortly after Bush's election, had abandoned an automatic archiving system meant to preserve all messages containing official business. Under the new system, any of the 3,000 or so regular White House employees could access e-mail storage files, enabling them to delete messages.

An internal White House report noted in 2005 that e-mails from specific periods appeared to be missing, including key moments related to the invasion of Iraq and to a federal probe of the leak of Valerie Plame Wilson's classified employment with the CIA. White House officials called that study flawed after congressional investigators released it.

Once the e-mails are transferred to the National Archives, federal law allows them to be requested under the Freedom of Information Act after a five-year interval.

http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2009/01/14/AR2009011401957_pf.html

Mortgage foreclosures up 81 percent: RealtyTrac

Thu Jan 15, 2009 1:22am EST

By Lynn Adler

NEW YORK (Reuters) - U.S. foreclosure activity jumped 81 percent in 2008, with one in every 54 households getting at least one filing notice, suggesting various state laws and private programs to slow the process have been ineffective, RealtyTrac reported on Thursday.

Nearly 3.2 million foreclosure filings on 2.3 million properties were made last year, the Irvine, California-based research firm said. Filings include notice of default, auction sale or bank repossession.

"Clearly the foreclosure prevention programs implemented to date have not had any real success in slowing down this foreclosure tsunami," James J. Saccacio, chief executive officer of RealtyTrac, said in the report.

Foreclosure activity did slow in the fourth quarter overall, declining 4 percent from the third quarter, but jumped nearly 40 percent from the fourth quarter of 2007.

And foreclosure activity last year was up 225 percent from 2006, the year home prices began a deep slump that prevented many homeowners from selling or refinancing.

Home prices have plunged more than 20 percent from the summer of 2006, according to Standard & Poor's/Case-Shiller measures.

Filings leaped by 17 percent in December from November.

"State legislation that slowed down the onset of new foreclosure activity clearly had an effect on fourth-quarter numbers overall, but that effect appears to have worn off by December," Saccacio said. "The recent California law, much like its predecessors in Massachusetts and Maryland, appears to have done little more than delay the inevitable foreclosure proceedings for thousands of homeowners."

California required lenders to provide written notice of their intent to start foreclosure proceedings 30 days prior to issuing a notice of default.

Nevada, Florida, Arizona and California, respectively, posted the highest state foreclosure rates last year, RealtyTrac said.

These are states where home prices soared the most during the five-year housing boom earlier this decade.

Foreclosures also rose as interest rates jumped last year just as hundreds of billions of dollars of adjustable-rate mortgages reset, sending loan payments sharply higher.

And lenders that had seldom turned potential borrowers away clamped down, curbing access to new funds, as foreclosures shot to record highs.

RealtyTrac has said that foreclosure activity would spike without a broad permanent fix for troubled mortgages in what economists are calling a deep recession.

Some relief may come from January's tumbling home loan rates, spurred by the promise of massive government purchases of mortgage bonds.

Average 30-year loan rates have fallen under 5 percent, the lowest in some four decades, by several measures. Requests to refinance have soared to the highest level in more than five years, according to the Mortgage Bankers Association, which could cut borrowing costs and help keep some borrowers in their homes.

Nevada had the highest rate of foreclosure, with more than 7 percent of Nevada housing units, or one in every 14, receiving at least one foreclosure notice in 2008. There were foreclosure filings on 77,693 properties, up nearly 126 percent from 2007, RealtyTrac said.

California had the highest number of foreclosure filings, at 523,624 properties, followed by Florida and Arizona.

Among the 100 largest metropolitan areas, Stockton, California, had the highest rate of foreclosure, at 9.46 percent. Las Vegas was close behind in second place.

Cities in California and Florida accounted for seven of the top 10 metro foreclosure rates, RealtyTrac said. Economically challenged Detroit was in 10th place, with one of every 22 housing units receiving a filing notice last year.

(Editing by Leslie Adler)


http://www.reuters.com/article/domesticNews/idUSTRE50E1KV20090115